Boppin' to the Top: Brown University and the Collegiate A Cappella Scene

I walk up Brown street and from a block away, I can hear rumblings in Wayland arch. As I turn the corner, I can see a mass of people, most of whom I recognize from A Cappella groups or the Theatre scene, jumping up and down to keep warm, chatting to each other, and calling out to others across the way. Suddenly, they erupt into clapping and screaming, and I turn my head to see the object of their affection. It is the Bear Necessities, Brown’s all-male, all-suspendered A Cappella group who, on this day, don bathrobes and towels instead of their usual garb. The squeals of girls pervade the night as the group begins to sing. With a loud, percussive sound, they repeat the syllable “ber ner ner” as the different vocal parts layer to mimic the instrumental sections of a well known pop song, “Saturday Night’s Alright." The performers smile at each other across their arc formation, bopping up and down to the beat. The acoustics of the archway amplify their voices, creating surround-sound without a single microphone. This is Brown a cappella.



Though A Cappella means “in the style of the chapel,” in Italian, collegiate A Cappella has come a long way from the classical choir performances of early days. It has developed a specific style that shows up in live performance and musical sound. Because a cappella groups come in all-male, all-female, and coed varieties, gender stereotyping is common, even among insiders to the scene. At Brown, the Intergalactic Community of A Cappella fosters interaction between groups, making the University one of the most cohesive a cappella units in the country. Collegiate a cappella started first on Brown's campus with the Jabberwocks in 1949. Since then, the cappella community has expanded to 14+ groups with practically every style. Looking from the outside in, one would say our a cappella community is fairly unique and has plenty of different characters to keep the story of Brown a cappella interesting. We decided to do intensive research on the a cappella scene at Brown University because it is something we are all passionate about. We are all members of a cappella groups (though we made it a point not to focus on researching our own group for objectivity's sake). Although this "insider-status" may have helped us gain information about the scene or cause us to have certain opinions about it, we tried to stay as open minded as possible when conducting interviews, fieldwork, and observing performances. This is what we found!

Blend:Musicality and Personality

As it stands, Brown University is home to 14 a cappella groups. Because there are so many, each has had to find and occupy its own niche. Every group has carved out its place in the landscape of Brown’s music scene by acquiring an inclination towards a certain genre. For example the Ursa Minors are more girlie, up-tempo, poppy songs; the Bear Necessities are more pop rock with lots of volume; and the Higher Keys are jazz/pop. The common poppy beats of a cappella result in the familiar “bop”, for as McClary argued music’s power lies in its ability to influence the body (McClary 1994: 36). Each different genre has its own set of musical priorities whether it is energy, projection, flexibility, etc., but the highest priority no matter the genre is blend. By definition a cappella is solely voices, which is a blessing and a curse: a blessing in that the human voice can blend wonderfully under the right conditions, but a curse because it is difficult to maintain those conditions. All voices must acquire the same or nearly the same timbre in order to harmonize well. Edwin Liemohn describes the struggle to maintain similar timbres well in his article in the Music Educator’s Journal:

Since each voice has its own characteristic overtone pattern, which determines its quality, the problem of securing good intonation and blend will be reduced if voices can be quite similar in quality, thereby eliminating pitch conflicts in the overtones produced by the various voices. (Liemohn 1958: 50)

So, in effect, each a cappella group is made up of similar voices, so as to maintain a good blend.

A prime example is the Bear Necessities, an all-male group who have quite a distinctive sound.



Each member possesses a musical-theater-type sound: belting, projecting, richly colored. It is a soloist’s voice, which would usually be a problem for subtle task of blending. However, since each voice has the same “musical theater” timbre, blending is possible. Just as each group has its own sound, it has a personality as well. In both Sami’s and Brady’s interviews, the interviewees talk about the perceived characters of different groups. “Angie” described the Chattertocks as “hipster” and Dom categorized the Jabberwocks as very “bro”.

<---Hipster girl

Whether the group agrees or not, it is how they are seen by the rest of the community. It can be a self-fulfilling prophecy: a group is noted for being of a certain temperament which draws people of that temperament to it. Nonetheless, with members of similar disposition a group can act as a more cohesive unit, learning how each other interacts and, most importantly, sings.

Leonard van Camp puts it best when he says, “It is a matter more of feeling than hearing.” (Van Camp 1965: 237). Knowing how your fellow group members acts and reacts is more important than having a good ear. Developing this sense of togetherness is what many in the community regard as the most important aspect of a cappella. From the exact moment of a new member’s being “sung in”, he is considered one of the family, lavished with hugs and congratulations. Yet, he is, in most regards, a complete stranger; no one in the group knows much, if anything, about him except what they learn at call backs. Going on tour, then, serves as a way for new members to be absorbed into the group (see Sami’s interview with Dom for his thoughts on tour). Tour usually involves a week of travelling with one’s a cappella group, singing together and living together. Through this experience, the members form bonds with each other that may not have arisen organically because of the differences of social lives between them. Cohen argues that music is “a human activity involving social relationships, identities, and collective practices” (Cohen 1993: 127), and in the context of intra-group relations a cappella is most definitely an enabler of all that is listed.

On the other hand, when seen from an inter-group perspective, a cappella falls flat. Most people that we talked to saw no tangible increase in mingling with other groups. There was some hanging out between members of groups, but that was mainly because they shared a commonality, like being in a musical together or something along those lines. The only time when two entire groups would interact would be if they sang together in a double concert or arch sing

Some may read the lack of interaction as a bit of animosity. With so many groups, one would suspect there would be competition. We received two different answers on this question of hostility. Julian Cihi (Bear Necessities) said that in his experience there is no rivalry between groups, but “Angie” (Ursa Minors) stated that between all-girl groups there is a level of cattiness. Be that as it may, I think that as a whole, Brown’s a cappella community is fairly drama free and that the deficiency of intermingling among groups simply comes down to the groups’ personalities: some don’t blend.

Performance:Snickers and Squeals

When Susan McClary describes “the music itself” as “socially mediated patterns of kinetic energy, being in time, emotions, desire, pleasure and much more” (McClary 1994: 33), she eliminates the possibility of discussing music ethnographically without examining the performative aspects and audience responses to that music. The reaction to a genre of music is what allows that genre to exist as a subculture. Without performances and a fanbase to watch them, music would neither exist nor have the impact it has on society today.

While we were doing our research on a cappella, therefore, we made sure to ask questions about performance and fans to the members of the groups we interviewed, and to observe on our own the performances to witness firsthand what they meant.

There are a couple of things that seem to be keystones of a cappella performance. The first is an arc formation, as can be seen in this video. (N.B.: an arc is more like a "Half Circle” of Life). We noticed this at every a cappella performance we attended, as did Joshua Duchan in his ethnographic study of three a cappella groups from different Massachusetts Universities. When we asked our informants why groups preferred an arc formation, they all cited its acoustic value (it allows the performers to hear each other), and the ability of everyone in the arc to see each other and communicate with their eyes. Many often cited the increased connection and focus between group members that occurs during performance, as well as the boost in energy a live audience provides. Duchan also noticed, much as we did, that “many groups use choreography as well as spontaneous finger snapping or bobbing to the beat,” even “lower[ing] themselves physically during quiet musical passages...[to] coordinate the song’s dynamics and perform them more dramatically” (Duchan 2007: 205). This movement is often referred to affectionately as the “a cappella Bop” by scene insiders.

There’s definitely a difference between performing off-campus and on for a cappella groups. At a formal concert, “a group typically sings most or all of its repertory for the semester, usually between eight and sixteen songs” (Duchan 2007: 197). These big concerts are often rewarding because the audience has come specifically to see the group perform, whereas they may not have at the more casual social functions or paying “gigs” at which groups often perform. As Duchan notes, certain conventions of performance are common to all a cappella groups: these include “venues, the use of guest groups, social aspects of concert programming [and] stage formations” (Duchan 2007: 201). Many of the group members we interviewed at Brown, however, liked “Arch-Sings” the best because of their informal nature and reactive audiences. As Titon expressed in his article about Ethnomusicology, “the performance, audiences and performance times can be used to construct a set of expectation about music in the community, [with] some kinds of music...appropriate to several locations, times and audiences” (Titon 2002: 105). This seems to be the case with A Cappella. Brown groups have cited performances at such diverse locations as hospitals, the salvation army, house parties, and a pier in San Francisco. A Cappella seems to be a culture that is acceptable at many occasions and to many people

With this in mind, we decided to do a little research on the fanbase of Brown A Cappella. When asked who they believed their main fanbase to be, most of the performers we interviewed mentioned Musical Theatre people, their friends, and other A Cappella singers. With the extensive promotion that many groups do for their shows with Facebook events, table slips, and postering, one would think that A Cappella performances would attract a wider fanbase.

The limited fanbase seems to make sense, however, when considering Slobin’s definition of an affinity group (of which an a cappella Group is an example) as a “charmed circle of like-minded music-makers drawn magnetically to a certain genre that creates strong expressive bonding” (Slobin 1993: 98). A cappella people (many of whom participate in Musical Theatre) tend to like A Cappella music and have friends in other groups, and they are therefore more inclined to go to concerts. As we learned from interviews, however, many a cappella members also go to other groups’ concerts to analyze their performances for comparative and educational means. No matter what their reasons though, an a cappella audience is an interactive one. We heard woots and cheers, especially following an impressive vocal display or a particularly funny dance move. Occasionally, audience members will “[call] out the names of friends among the performers,” making many a cappella performances personal experiences (Duchan 2007: 201).

One of the more interesting aspects of fandom that we discovered through interviews and observation is that girls are more consistent fans of a cappella than boys. Girls simply seem to be more supportive of the scene. “If you like a cappella, and you’re not in a group, and you’re a guy,” a male member of the Higher Keys revealed, “you’re probably gay.” Although it seems like a harsh critique, we did witness severe stereotyping of people within the a cappella scene, even at a liberal institution such as Brown. Perhaps this is the reason why male groups seem to get more attention on campus (see next section!).

A Cappella Community:Intergalatic Interactions

The a cappella community on Brown's campus reaches far and wide and overlaps with many other activities but still manages to keep its own element of character. One member of the community says that Brown has a "very warm community...everyone knows each other." However there is a general consensus that the community as a whole isn't really integrated, but there is a desire for more integration between the groups. One member believes "it would relax the competition." Recently two groups on campus, The Higher Keys, a jazz/pop co-ed group, and The Bear Necessities, an all-male, all-suspendered group, did a flip flop arch sing in which soloists were swapped between groups as they perform and one member wished for that to happen more frequently: "What we did with the Bears, the flip flop arch sing, we should do that more often."

Professional a cappella competitions are one way of getting more a cappella groups to perform together. Started in 1995 by Deke Sharon of the Tufts Beezlebubs and Adam Farb of Brown’s Brown Derbies, the Best of Collegiate A Cappella (BOCA), a compilation of the year’s best collegiate a cappella recordings of the year (Duchan 2007:6). Sharon views it as an effective and efficient way of introducing a cappella to newcomers stating, “I started BOCA because I love collegiate a cappella and I wanted to share it with people…having one album where you can end up getting 15 great tracks is the most effective way.” (Slutsky 2005: 20). The International Championship of Collegiate A Cappella (ICCA), also started by the pair, are ways that a cappella groups can strengthen their music and performance, receive recognition for their work, hear other groups and learn from their techniques as well as compete for the top spot in a cappella.

One may think that because there is a surplus of groups on Brown’s campus that there must be competition for the top spot on campus between the groups, but the general opinion on that is mixed. One member of an all-male group feels like it existed once upon a time but says, “I feel like it exists less now, because we get along with so many people.” Competition for members during auditions is present, but competition over all is more unspoken. On the other hand, several members found that the personalities and reputations of the groups are so different, that there really can’t be any competition. However, members of coed groups feel that there is more competition between the single sex groups as to “which one’s… better,” as one member put it.

The overall gender dynamic of the Brown a cappella community is contrasting with the overall gender dynamic of the university. While many view Brown as progressive and feel that the female voice is present, in the intergalactic a cappella community at Brown, there is a general consensus that the all-male groups rule the scene. One member of an all-male group even went so far as to say, “no one cares about the all female groups,” but quickly recanted and masked it as a joke. However, his statement speaks to the notion that girls a cappella isn’t as appreciated and valued as all male a cappella. A member of a coed group says that common stereotypes are, “the sound isn’t as full [with girls a cappella]…the arrangements aren’t interesting.” Another member pointed out that girl (in addition to coed) groups have to work really hard on blending, whereas with guy groups, “it comes easy.” All of this isn’t to say that all male groups don’t get their share of flak from others in the a cappella community. Most male groups are seen as being very fraternal to the point of being “bro-ish” as one member put it.

Other members saw that the most common stereotype was that the all male groups were “all arrogant and all good,” or “cooler, more popular…even if their musical arrangement[s] aren’t as advanced.” A member of an all male a cappella group recalled back when he was a freshmen that the different all male groups had different personalities: “…musically, I always thought the Bears were the best…reputation wise, the Jabberwocks were the coolest group and the Derbies have fun.” There are many different opinions of coed groups’ stereotypes and all are very contrasting. One member found that “there’s more love. Or at least they show the love,” while another says that, “it’s almost too tough to get things done because of battles between male and female. No common wavelength.”



Conclusions

Much like any subculture, A Cappella has a style all its own in aspects of performance and musicality, and attracts a particular fanbase. Interactions between members of different groups and individuals within one group make A Cappella a true "scene" at Brown. Issues of gender stereotyping may affect these interactions, but they do not stop members of A Cappella groups from supporting each other. A Cappella may just be a style of Music, but at Brown it can also be considered a way of life. It brings people together under a common interest, much like any other subculture does. It can foster a sense of belonging and at a school as large as Brown, can create bonds between individuals that grow into everlasting friendships.


Word Count: 2748


Works Cited:
-Cohen, Sara. "Ethnography and Popular Music Studies." Popular Music, Vol. 12, No. 2 (May, 1993), pp. 123-138
-Duchan, Joshua S. Collegiate A Cappella: Emulation and Origniality. Diss. University of Michigan, 2007. Proquest Digital Dissertations. Proquest. .
-Duchan, Joshua S (2007). “Powerful Voices: Performance and Interaction in Contemporary Collegiate A Cappella.” Michigan: University of Michigan, 1-346.
-Liemohn, Edwin. "Intonation and Blend in the A Cappella Choir". Music Educators Journal Jun.-Jul., 1958: 50-51.
-McClary, Susan (1994). “Same as It Ever Was: Youth Culture and Music.” Andrew Ross and
Tricia Rose, eds. Micropone Friends: Youth and Youth Culture. London: Routledge, 29-40.
-Slobin, Mark (1993). Subcultural Sounds: Micromusics of the West. Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 98.
-Slutsky, Corey Brian Music Without Instruments. Diss. University of Southern California, 2005. Proquest Digital Dissertations. Proquest. .
-Titon, Jeff (2002). Worlds of Music. New York: Schirmer, 464-474.
-Van Camp, Leonard. "The Formation of A Cappella Choirs at Northwestern University, St. Olaf College, and Westminster Choir College". Journal of Research in Music Education Winter 1965: 227-238.

The Group
Ethnographic Moment: Sami
A Cappella Community: Chantel
Intra-Group Relations: Brady
Performance: Sami
Conclusion: All

Critical Review: “Mexican Ballads in the Modern Age”

According to Wald, the corrido has been the common newspaper of the border region since the mid 19th century, a “proletarian adjunct to the middle class press,” if you will. They have acted as a sort of musical literature for the working class community, much like ballads in medieval Europe, and have added commentary and demonstrated a shared political viewpoint not expressed by the official media.

The corrido can be seen as a cultural mixture, as it adopted European rhythms of waltz and polka, vocal styles of the region’s native population, and the shifting instrumental fashions and technologies of the day. Combine all that with lyrics portraying the attitudes of a culture plagued by ethnic conflict and war, and you get the corrido. Although corridos have been written about many subjects, the most prevailing have been violent romantic engagements, horses, outlaws, and heroes.

During the period of the Mexican revolution, corridos became the “folk history book,” but there was a fear that they would die out and be replaced by print, radio, television, and more romantic genres of Mexican music. The 1970s brought the corrido back to life in a new form: the narcocorrido, modern pieces that were more upbeat and danceable. New forms of corrido accompaniment such as norteno, conjunto, and banda also became popular. These narcocorridos had a sort of tabloid sensationalism in the lyrics that mixed truth with fiction. Still, much of the news and cultural information they offered was mostly true. Today’s corridos most discuss the world of the border drug trade in a sensationalist fashion. These drug lords are discussed much like the outlaws of the old days. The act of smuggling is seen as “morally neutral.” These people are simply poor Mexicans who follow the demands of the United States officials who power the trade. Drug lords are sometimes even depicted as heroes, using their riches to build schools or help their native villages. Other corridos include social commentary, crime stories, stories of immigrant experience, and discussion of political problems. This has caused many scholars to compare narcocorridos to “gangsta rap” because they speak about poor and disenfranchised population. There is also a fear that corridos, like rap, have the tendency to lead youth astray. Many of these newer hits also don’t fit the strict academic definition of the corrido because they do not relate a series of events. “The music itself” makes them corridos, however, as they are sung to the same rhythms as the corridos of old. Were it not for the drug related component of the lyrics, corridos would not be compared to rap in the same way. Though they celebrate outlaws, corridos can also be seen as an assertion of Mexican heritage. Even with the changes in lyrics, the music itself and idea surrounding the purpose of the corrido has truly stayed close to their original roots.

Discussion Question: Wald claims that “a great artist is more powerful than any politician.” As we have seen over the course of this class, music is often used to transmit a political message. How are the political statements made in corridos similar or dissimilar to those found in punk music (especially that of the Riot Grrl movement), rap, and metal?

Critical Review of Various Entries on the "Wayne and Wax" Blog

The Wayne and Wax blog brings up many critical issues surrounding the history of Reggaeton and its place as a current musical genre. When Wayne Marshall first encountered Reggaeton in the early 2000s, it was called “Spanish Reggae.” The name was just a precursor to the cultural debate it would later ensue.

Marshall discusses a little of the “music itself” background as it pertains to Reggaeton. The most important aspect is the snare drum, and many of them. The basic aspects of Reggaeton are “bombastic synth textures, plucky melodies, 4/4 kicks...and that good ol’ dancehall-reggae 3+3+2 syncopation” played on the snare, a mark of many caribbean music genres. Reggaeton producers will often change the sound of the snare every 8 to 16 bars by changing the sample, thus causing a change in the timbre. Marshall describes Reggaeton as “digital music par excellence.” Even with the use of multiple snare sounds, it is clear that Reggaeton is truly the product of a world of digital sampling technology.

Reggaeton has changed over the years. Marshall compares dancehall reggae from the late 80s with the Reggaeton of today. This was probably due to the growing popularity of Reggae in the 80s, and especially dancehall Reggae in urban areas. Therefore, hispanics in Panama, Puerto Rico, and New York began to listen to and produce their own version of Reggae, which later became Reggaeton. The growing Reggaeton scene among New York latino communities helped Reggaeton catch on in Puerto Rico. It has gone on to become popular in many Latin American countries, Japan, and the UK. As Marshall describes, “New York nurtured a musical conversation among its post-colonial peoples.”

Although Reggaeton is responsible for the joining of cultures, it has also drawn sociocultural lines. Fans of Reggaeton often argue about “who started it.” Has the music, in Marshall’s terms, shifted from “musica negra” to today’s “reggaeton latino?” Many bloggers argue over whether Reggaeton ‘belongs’ to people from Panama, Puerto Ricans, or all Latinos in general. One Mexican fan claims his right to fan-dom because he is Latino and tries to assure everyone that being Mexican does not make his love of the music any less legitimate. Although Reggaeton is able to represent many things to many people and is emerging as a “mainstream, pan-Latino genre,” it still draws lines between cultural groups because of competing ideologies and modes of nationalism.

Discussion Question: Marshall describes Reggaeton as a “digital music.” Although he uses this term to explain the way it is produced, the use of the internet has also aided its wider dispersal across the globe through blogs, Youtube, and Myspace. One would imagine that this sort of international recognition would aid the coming together of many Latino groups under the common bond of Reggaeton. Yet, there still seem to be wide dividing lines caused by arguments over Reggaeton’s origins. Has the internet only aggravated this disagreements, or would the rifts between the groups be even wider without the widespread dispersal of Reggaeton that the internet provides?

Second Set of Fieldnotes

Since the last time I posted a set of fieldnotes, I have conducted two more interviews with members of the Higher Keys, attended two A cappella concerts, and spoken to many other people involved in A cappella less formally about their experiences. Already I feel like I have learned a lot about what it means to be in an A cappella group to different students around campus, and the perception of these groups by A cappella fans and non-fans alike.

I conducted one interview with a female senior from the Keys and one with a male junior from the Keys. I knew both of them very well because we were in a show together, and this may have contributed to the openness of their answers. In the scope of the A cappella community, everyone I interviewed thought of Brown’s a cappella community as unique because of its warm and inclusive vibe. They felt as though there was a true “a cappella culture” at Brown. Both interviewees noted the “Midnight Meeting,” when all the a cappella groups come together to choose new members, is one of their favorite times of the year because all the members can interact as this one community, something that doesn’t happen at any other time in the year.

All of the people I interviewed has similar ideas about which groups portrayed which style of music. Because I was interviewing Keys, which is perhaps the most unique of all the groups musically because of their Jazz-based repertoire, the members were proud to separate themselves from the other groups on campus. They also tended to lump all the other groups together into the “contemporary music category,” although the male picked out some particular differences in the sounds of the other male groups, though he did not have enough knowledge to speak on the female groups. One of the most interesting things I found is that both Keys had a similar image of the personalities of the other groups. The Keys are thought to be more formal and “sexy” while the bears were described as “peppy,” “silly,” and “fun.” The Jabberwocks, in contrast, are thought to be the egoists of the a cappella community, and portray a “we’re tight and we’re awesome” aura. Perhaps the most interesting thing I noticed, however, is that neither the male or female I interviewed mentioned the girls groups without my asking about them first. Perhaps it is because the Keys do not interact with members of girls groups as much as with the boys groups, or perhaps it is because girl’s a cappella is not seen to be as legitimate as all male. Whatever the reason, the defining factor for both members’ choosing of the Higher Keys was the fact that it was coed. Although the Jazz music of the Keys appealed to both members, they made it clear that they each wanted to be in a Coed group going in to auditions because of the full sound and the warm community vibe.

For members of the Keys, music is perhaps the most important factor in a performance. Both students noted being “musically on point” as the number one thing to strive for. When I asked them whether they attended other groups’ performances, they gave very different answers. The straight male I interviewed said he hardly ever went to other a cappella performances, saying that he “doesn’t really enjoy [a cappella music]” unless he’s making it himself. The female, on the other hand, said she often went to other groups’ concerts, both to watch the concert itself and to see her friends perform. This brought up an important issue about the fanbase of a cappella. The male I asked told me frankly that “if you’re not in a group and you’re a guy, but you go to a cappella concerts anyway, you’re probably gay.” According to his perspective, most of the Keys fanbase (and the fanbase of Brown a cappella in general) is “girls or gay men.” The female I interviewed agreed with this statement. “Most of the people that come to our shows,” she stated, “are the musical theatre community” (a notoriously gay scene) “and our roomates.” “Girls are very supportive of the scene,” she continued. “That’s why male groups get more people to come to their concerts.”

I asked about the common stereotypes associated with each group and both Keys gave me similar answers. Here is a short breakdown:
Male= Arrogant, cooler, funnier, more popular. Have less advanced arrangements.
Coed= The Keys have an arrogance because of their musical style. Hard to get things done because a lack of communication between males and females.
Girl= Catty, sorority, less of a full sound. Neither Key could verify these rumors.
Although some of these stereotypes had played out in front of the interviewees, many, such as the “Jabberwocks are all assholes and the Bears are all gay” rumor, had not. Everyone I interviewed believed it to be true, however, that male groups are the most popular on campus.

Another interesting thing I found out from the Keys I interviewed was that they really don’t consider Harmonic Motion (the other Coed group on campus) a threat at all. The two groups do not often perform together. Because HarMo is Brown and RISD, they do not perform on Brown’s campus as often as the Keys. This might be the cause of the lack of animosity between the groups. Although none of the Keys had witnessed it first hand, they did believe there to be more competition among all-female and all-male groups.


When I went to the Bear Necessities-Higher Keys Flip Flop Arch Sing and the Grillin’ and Chillin’ concert featuring the Bears, Derbies, and a girl group from Smith College, I was intrigued how all the things I had learned from the interviews would come into play. I began to look with a more subjective eye at the inner workings of the concerts. For example, I started listening to the syllables that the different groups used. The Keys did tend to use more open syllables, while the Bears had a more blasting “ber ner ner” sound. The Keys also seemed to be keeping their composure while the Bears were all over the place, running and jumping around to get a crowd reaction. I surveyed the crowds at both concerts. For the Arch Sing, it really was mostly girls and the musical theatre community. The Grillin’ and Chillin’ concert, however, seemed to be a bigger event for these groups, as there were many older people there I assumed to be parents or relatives. There were also more males present in the audience at this concert, and a large number of people I had never seen before at a cappella concerts or at musicals. I can hypothesize that less publicized, more intimate a cappella performances are most often attended by close friends, other a cappella members, and members of the theatre scene (I was there, for example, with my entire girls a cappella group), while bigger and more formal concerts attract a more diverse crowd. One generalization I can make, however, is that a cappella crowds are vocal crowds. They cheer and scream for their friends and are not afraid to shout out when they hear something they like.

For further research, I plan to interview a Keys sophomore to get a broad range of classes, and also to interview both fans and haters of a cappella to get their perspectives on it.

Critical Review: "Drum 'N' Dhol" by Rajinder Dudrah

Dudrah’s article emphasizes the role of bhangra as a an important aspect of culture that encapsulates the meanings of British South Asian identity formation. Although Bhangra remains a marginalized song and dance genre, it began to be discussed as an aspect of British culture that should be studied in the late 1990s (though Dudrah believes the social and aesthetic aspects that constitute the music itself are largely ignored in studies of Bhangra). Dudrah surveyed existing approaches to the study of Bhangra and South Asian identity, did his own research and interviews, and also looked at Bhangra’s lyrics to see how they influenced South Asian identity formation.

British Bhangra took shape in the 1980s by mixing traditional bhangra with new technology. Though they continued to have varied tastes in music styles, many South Asian youth incorporated Bhangra into their musical spectrum. From then on, Bhangra became almost an “affirmative movement” of Asian identity. British Bhangra describes life in British cities and the struggles for minority cultural expressions that determine identity. Bhangra was also important, however, in starting a musical dialogue of sorts between British Blacks and British South Asians. Because Bhangra is a hybrid of different musical styles, lyrics, and cultural identities (such as the mixing of the dhol drum with basslines often found in Black music styles), possibilities were opened up for people to identify themselves in a number of different ways. Instead of being either Asian, Black, or British, you could suddenly be a collection of all three. Bhangra helped to set up opportunities for the connection of different social and cultural groups about their relationships to music and stood as a common ground between Black and Asian Brits.

Dudrah also explores the lyrical themes of Bhangra music. To Dudrah, Bhangra lyrics are an important part of urban cultural politics for South Asians that can be read as a “diasporic text.” The lyrics reveal facets of political meaning sand pleasures inherent in urban British South American lives, and also explores themes about life in general. For example, one song tells South Asians to rise up against poll taxes. Many fans of Bhangra believe that the lyrics of the song help connect them to India, even if they were not born there. Issues of caste and gender also come up because of Bhangra’s lyrics. Women are often spoken about as objects of pleasure in Bhangra songs, and caste preferences towards the jat, or landowning class, are often revealed. Dudrah’s research showed, however, that this does not negatively impact many youth’s views on Bhangra music. Instead, they think of it as a way to have a good time and interact with their families and friends. Some traditional bhangra songs are even brought back and remixed, bridging the gap between generations and increasing cultural identity. Today, British Bhangra is informing the reception of Bhangra all across the world and has become a benchmark for Bhangra in North America.

Discussion Question: Dudrah does little to address the contesters of Bhangra music. Why do you think this factor has been ignored? If Bhangra speaks about such political messages as rising up against governmentally instituted taxes, why has it not gotten as much negative press as, say, punk music? Is it just the nature of Britain versus America? The popular music scene in Britain? Or something else?

Critical Review: Excerpts From Walser's "Running With The Devil"

In Robert Walser’s Introduction and Chapter 1, he outlines the history of Metal music and some of the misconceptions, stereotypes, and intricacies associated with it. He first compares metal musicians to classical musicians studying in a conservatory. Metal, however, has had the largest backlash of any musical genre, marking it as “an important site of cultural contestation.” Many of the sociological studies conducted about Metal have failed, in Walser’s opinion, because they do not take into account the feelings of identity and community involved in the scene. Instead, when conducting his study, he tried to integrate musical analysis, ethnography, and cultural criticism, as well as studying the genre from all aspects. He tried, in particular, to pay attention to the music itself in order to examine it as a “social signifying system rather than an autonomous set of stylistic traits.” The chapters in his book, Running With the Devil, focus on the similarities between heavy metal and classical music, issues of gender in heavy metal and the ways in which it has recently become more gender balanced, and the aura of violence and mysticism associated with heavy metal. Walser focused on metal in the 1980s because that’s when the genre was at its most popular and evolved the most.

He begins Chapter 1 by offering up definitions for the term “Heavy Metal” itself, and provides a short history of its uses. The term was adopted to describe the music by which it is know today because of its association with power, as “the loudness and intensity of heavy metal music visibly empower fans.” Even the band names and the phrase “power chord” evoke an image of power. Walser next discusses the commercialization of metal. Although fan magazines try to apply the term “heavy metal” to a broad number of bands, fans are often pickier with their specific tastes. While one fan may consider a particular band to be the epitome of the genre, another may not consider them to be metal at all. Even musicians considered to be heavy metal by their fans may not refer to themselves as heavy metal.

Walser then discusses the history of heavy metal (both the musical genre and when the term came to describe the genre). Usually, the start of heavy metal is attributed to British musicians who copied urban blues styles, thus defining the heavy drum, virtuosic and distorted guitar, and growly vocal style that came to be associated with metal music. In 1970, the release of albums by Led Zeppelin, Black Sabbath, and Deep Purple created the true sound of heavy metal, a sound that espoused speed, power, dissonance, and mysterious tones (both with organ and vocals). The second generation of heavy metal (which included Kiss and AC/DC) toured, building the metal audience of the 1970s. Though metal’s popularity slumped in the late 70s, it rose again in the 1980s with the new wave of British heavy metal, which featured shorter and catchier songs with higher technical standards. Metal’s popularity only increased, especially because of its support by Billboard and MTV. As a result, metal’s fanbase expanded. This also led to its fragmentation, as some metal fans considered the new metal to be poser music, and instead turned to Thrash metal, a more violent subgenre. By the end of the 1980s, metal’s influence could be heard everywhere, from Michael Jackson albums to jingle ads for the US Army.

Walser, like Weinstein, discusses the fanbase of metal. He describes them as active, white, blue collar and upscale, and more balanced in gender than Weinstein’s account described. According to his research, metal music is central to many fans’ social lives. Lyrics also seem to be comprehended by fans. To these audiences, the attraction to metal is mainly the “intensity and power of the music, its impressive guitar solos, the relevance of its lyrics, and its truth value.” Walser believes heavy metal has rarely been taken seriously in the scholastic world, and sociologists such as Weinstein lack the objectivity and concern with the music itself that is necessary to truly understand a genre and its scene.

Discussion Question: Walser describes Thrash Metal as both a subgenre adopted by people who attempted to maintain a marginal status separate from the “Lite Metal” promoted by MTV, and as a subgenre that successfully challenged the mainstream and redefined it. Trash bands even began to headline arena concerts and appear on MTV. Does this not seem hypocritical? If Metal fans turned to Thrash to escape the commercial rise of Metal, how did they deal with the rise of “their” music in the mainstream?

Critical Review: "Digging the Music: Proud Pariahs"

Weinstein’s article describes Metal and its audience in detail, characterizing its various aspects as she witnessed through her research. First, she defines the core audience of Metal, a genre that seems to be somewhere in between a “commercial” (or “mass”) genre and a “folk” genre. Metal is an example of both a “Taste Public” and a Subculture, as its audience shares aesthetic values, but also shares a way of life consistent with the musical form. Metal’s audiences, though they have similarities, are distinct and change according to geography, time, and which subgenre they are a part of. According to Weinstein, the stereotypical Metal fan is “male, white, and in his midteens.” She explains the roots of each of these characteristics and also discusses the roots of Metal itself.

The Heavy Metal subculture is a direct outgrowth from the youth culture of the 1960s, which was dominated by white, male, blue collar workers. When the 60s subculture collapsed, the bikers and hippies it once supported found each other and created Metal. Although not all white, male, blue collar youth are members of the Metal subculture, they constitute Metal’s core audience because Metal seemed to express their discontents and life style. Weinstein provides a hierarchical order for the characteristics of the core Metal scene: maleness, youthfullness, whiteness, and finally, blue collar sentiments. The heavy Metal audience is, at its most basic, masculinist. They strongly value masculine identity and what that represents, and strongly oppose homosexuality. Although females may be accepted into the Metal scene, it is only those who dress in the typical male fashion. Females who dress in a provocative manner are either shunned as sluts or oggled in an objectifying fashion. Metal became a youth scene in response to the antiyouth crusade of the 1970s. Like the Punk subculture, Metal borrowed heavily from prior youth cultures with their mottos of teenage rebellion. Even today, the Metal subculture does not fully include Metal fans once they pass adolescence. The “whiteness” associated with Metal gets its roots around the time of the civil rights movement, when marginal whites began to strongly resent blacks pushing for more rights. Metal is more so a “cultural grouping” than a racially based scene, however, as it tends to tolerate those outside its core demographic who follow its strict codes of dress, appearance, devotion to music and behavior. Many Metal fans come from working class and blue collar homes. In the 1970s, economic crisis and the growth of the middle class life style in the mass media caused blue collar workers to turn to Metal. Although not all Metal fans today are blue collar, it is blue collar ideals (ethos) such as masculinity, sexism, and antibourgeois sentiment that permeate the Metal scene.

Although the core fanbase of Metal is a demographically similar group, the 1980s brought a shift. More nonwhites and females entered the Metal scene, and more subgenres emerged. While the audience of classic Metal remained the same, lite Metal audiences became composed of teenage females, and thus the audience for thrash Metal became exclusively male. Although Metal emerged in Britain, the United States and other European countries soon had fully formed Metal scenes. Weinstein tried to find a pattern in the countries with Metal scenes: they are countries without a strong dominant religion, no severe political struggle that absorbs the commitment of adolescents, and iconography of European Pagan cultures.

Weinstein also discussed Metal music itself, and how it relates to the subculture. Music is “the master emblem of the heavy Metal subculture.” Loudness, bottom sounding pitch, a strong lead vocalist, and virtuosic lead guitarists are all important components of Metal music. Standards for lyrics are less precise, but it seems as though knowing the lyrics to Metal songs is a form of subcultural capital. The fashion of the Metal scene is very specific. The general uniform of the Metal fan is as follows: blue jeans, black T-shirts with band logos (those from tours and concerts are considered the most legitimate), black leather or jean jackets, leather boots, patches, tattoos, pins and rings, and most importantly, long hair. Dancing is practically forbidden to the Metal fan because of Metal’s masculine and youth ideals. Beer and drugs are also an important part of Metal, though drugs are not as important to Metal as they were to the youth counterculture. The blank slack-jawed stare is also representative of a long exhausting night at a Metal concert.

One final aspect of Metal is that it “mythologizes itself.” Metal artists boast about themselves, and fans boast about them too. Bands that romanticize a life of sex, drugs, and “raising hell” thus legitimize it. Members of the Metal scene are convinced that their music is great, and they are thus drawn to it. It is the reciprocity between Metal music and the Metal fanbase that has kept its fans enthralled.

Discussion Question: Females in the Metal scene are either masculinized or objectified. How does this relate to the view of women in Hip Hop culture? Are women as thoroughly accepted into Hip Hop culture if they stick to the male prototype as Weinstein claims “masculinized” women are in the metal scene?