Melanie Lowe’s article about the Tween Pop scene turns the idea of “the mainstream” on its head. Typical images of teenyboppers are those of brainless girlie girls who rapidly consume everything fed to them by the media. What Lowe found through talking to some of these girls, however, is that they are feminists in their own right. The teen pop scene is not one concerned with locality. Instead, the people in the scene are joined by common tastes “in everything from clothing to boys to television shows to music” (Lowe 81). As we have discussed on multiple occasions, a subculture’s purpose is to provide a sense of inclusion and commonality among a particular group. Though the tween scene is spread out, these girls find solidarity in the scene’s ability to help them cope with the changes that accompany the adolescent years.
Lowe conducted two Nashville focus groups in the summer of 1999 to discuss girls’ opinions on the pop scene. At all times, Lowe maintains a sense of reflexivity: because she is fifteen years removed from this scene, she fears she will be more recognized as a teacher than a friend in the conversation. Yet, because she has worked with adolescents and was a member of the pop scene herself, she has a certain insider’s perspective. The girls she interviewed were of mixed race and age, but most had grown up in the Nashville suburbs all their lives.
The commonality in both sessions was a lively discussion about Britney Spears, and the role she plays in shaping images of women. The girls called Britney a “slut” and a “whore,” even though they recognized these terms as being degrading. Though the “tweens would never label themselves ‘feminists’” because of the negative connotations associated with the term, they did display some feminist thoughts, such as applauding those singers who sing about independence from a man (Lowe 86). The girls also noticed aspects of gender inequality in their own lives in such circumstances as gym class and cheerleading practice. They also noted the “objectification” of women and how Britney’s skimpy outfits only perpetuate it. They like the Britney that sings about running and hiding in “Sometimes,” but are disgusted by the Britney who asks to be “hit...one more time,” in their opinions a clear sexual innuendo.
Though Lowe is impressed by the political opinions these girls seemed to have about pop, she also provides another explanation for their disapproval of Britney and the like. By “mocking and distorting Britney’s revealing outfits...and exaggerating her sexual display... [they are provided] with an opportunity to explore their own budding sexuality while protected from ‘meaning it’ by the guise of derision” (Lowe 94). In other words, making fun of Britney gives them a safe space in which to imitate her. This dichotomy may be complex, but it seems to provide tweens “with the opportunity to embrace their adolescence with surprising confidence” (Lowe 94).
Discussion Question: Christina Aguilera’s first hit, “Genie in a Bottle,” has perhaps more explicit sexual references than Britney Spears’ “Baby One More Time” (for example, “my body’s saying let’s go” and “you’ve gotta rub me the right way”). Why, then, did everyone make such a fuss about Britney? Was it the way she presented herself? Was it because Christina’s seemingly superior vocal ability somehow made vindicated her presentation? What about later on when Christina became the “dirrty” one?
Wednesday, February 25, 2009
Monday, February 23, 2009
First Field Notes!
History
The Ursa Minors:
From the Ursa Minors Website: “Founded in 1981, the Ursa Minors are a women’s a cappella group at Brown University. The Ursas, as their fans refer to them, perform original arrangements of music from variety of genres including pop, jazz, rock, folk and R&B. The group currently features 15 women from all over the country and all corners of the Brown community who, in addition to singing, are involved in a wide range of activities all around campus, from athletics to theatre, religious life to community service and more. While the group’s membership and repertoire continue to grow and change, one thing remains the same: the Ursas are not only a group of musicians and voices, but a group of friends.”
The Higher Keys:
From the Higher Keys Website: “Founded in 1983, The Higher Keys are Brown University's oldest and premiere coed a cappella group. Though famed for our good looks, sense of humor and all-around sass, we are best known for our unique repertoire and award-winning arrangements. The Keys have recorded six albums over the past twenty-six years, including Lock It Up, our most recent release. Between recording sessions, the group travels regularly; we have toured such exotic locations as San Francisco, the Florida Keys, New York City, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Atlanta, and numerous high schools and colleges along both coasts of the United States.”
The Bear Necessities:
“All-male, all-suspendered a cappella since 1992.”
Members
The Ursa Minors:
-All female
-Even mix of classes
-Have a business manager, President, Webmaster, Musical Director and Assistant Musical Director
-Two members are abroad this semester
-Music Director changed from semester 1 to semester 2.
The Higher Keys:
-11 girls, 10 boys
-One girl abroad
-President, AMD, MD, and Business Manager
-Two boys are from RISD
The Bear Necessities:
-3 Freshmen, 1 Sophomore, 5 Juniors, 5 Seniors, 1 Graduate Student
-All Male
Performance
The Ursa Minors:
The Ursa Minors perform frequently both on- and off-campus, in all kinds of venues and perform for groups of all ages and sizes. The ladies have entertained at charity functions, sporting events, Brown faculty and student affairs and Providence community events. In recent years they were featured singing the National Anthem and two concerts at the U.S. Tennis Open at Arthur Ashe Stadium in New York . They have also competed in the International Championship of Collegiate A Cappella (ICCA) and hosted two rounds of the tournament in 2006 and 2007, welcoming groups from across the Northeast region to sing on the Brown campus.
The Ursas also travel to other universities in the to join their a cappella groups in concerts and frequently invite outside groups to be guest performers at Brown. Other groups the Ursas have recently sung with include the MIT Logarhythms, Tufts Beelzebubs, Yale Baker’s Dozen, Dartmouth Cords, and many of Brown’s other fabulous groups, most recently the Brown Derbies, Jabberwocks, and Higher Keys.
The Higher Keys:
Perform both on and off campus. Perform arch sings in Wayland Arch. Performed at the Triple Threat Concert in September and host the Holiday Organ Concert (in which all the a cappella groups on campus perform). This year they hosted the International Competition of Collegiate A Cappella (ICCA) New England quarterfinals.
The Bear Necessities:
Perform on Campus for events like the Beary Keys Holiday Concert and the Parents Weekend Concert. Have multiple arch sings a year including a Halloween Arch Sing and the Bear Cub Arch Sing in which they introduce their new members to the a cappella community (and give them their first pair of suspenders).
Recording
The Ursa Minors:
-Their first album, Until the Morning Comes, was released in 1999 and was nominated for a Contemporary A Cappella Recording Award for excellence in arranging. (“Yesterday,” which was originally recorded on that album, has since become a staple in the Ursas’ set.)
-In the fall of 2002, the Ursas released their sophomore album, Note to Self, which received honorable mention from the Recorded A Cappella Review Board as one of its “Picks of the Year.” -The group’s third album, The Little Black Dress, was released in 2005 and includes songs originally performed by Stevie Wonder, Jason Mraz, Maroon 5, and Ella Fitzgerald, among others. In 2006, the album was recognized by the Contemporary A Cappella Society of America’s nominating panel as one of the top 10 female collegiate albums of the year.
-April 2007 marked the release of the Ursa Minors’ fourth studio album, Minor Details, which was co-produced and engineered by CB Productions’ Ed Boyer and John Clark and includes songs by artists including Marc Broussard, The Beatles, Bonnie Raitt, Fiona Apple and many other favorites. The Ursas are currently in the studio recording their fifth album, set for release in 2010.
The Higher Keys:
-Taller Doors (1992)
-By Invitation Only (1995)
-Unlocked (1997)
-If I Had A Microphone (2001)
-It’s Natural (2005)
-Lock It Up (2008)
The Bear Necessities:
-Out of Hibernation (1993)
-The Bear Necessities Jam (1995)
-Circus People (1999)
-Dry Clean Only (2004)
Repertoire
The Ursa Minors:
-All at Sea (Jamie Cullum)
-Breathe In (Frou Frou)
-Dancing in the Moonlight (Van Morrison)
-Dreamlover (Mariah Carey)
-Fidelity (Regina Spektor)
-Gee Baby Ain’t I Good to You (Jazz Standard)
-Hard to Handle (Black Crowes)
-Hyperballad (Bjork)
-I’d Rather Dance With You (Kings of Convenience)
-Jingle Bell Rock
-Let Go (Frou Frou)
-Love on the Rocks (Sara Bareilles)
-Only You (The Platters)
-Put Your Records On (Corinne Bailey Rae)
-Rhode Island Is Famous For You (Blossom Dearie)
-Rocksteady (Marc Broussard)
-Son of a Preacher Man (Dusty Springfield)
-Sunrise (Norah Jones)
-The Way I Am (Ingrid Michaelson)
-Yesterday (The Beathles)
Notes on Ursa Repertoire: A majority of members have solos, mix of top fourty, some older popular songs, some lesser known songs, and standards (such as Jingle Bell Rock and Rhode Island Is Famous for You). Arranged by the Ursas themselves.
The Higher Keys:
-Back To You (John Mayer)
-Beatles’ Medley
-Don’t Stop Me Now (Queen)
-Fly Me To The Moon (Frank Sinatra)
-Friend Like Me (Aladdin)
-Gershwin Medley
-I Don’t Know Where I stand (Joni Mitchell)
-Jet Airliner (Steve Miller Band)
-Just (Radiohead)
-Michael Jackson Medley
-Owner of a Lonely Heart (Yes)
-Samson (Regina Spektor)
-School of Rock (From School of Rock)
-Sentimental Guy (Ben Folds)
-Sir Duke (Stevie Wonder)
-Somewhere (From West Side Story)
-Sweet Dreams (Eurythmics)
-Too Darn Hot (Cole Porter)
-Undertow (Sara Bareilles)
-You and Me and the Bottle Makes Three (Big Bad Voodoo Daddy)
Notes on Higher Keys Rep: “Half Jazz-Half pop.” Multiple medleys. Arranged by Keys (most of whom were on the class of ‘07).
The Bear Necessities:
-Beautiful Day
-Brandy
-King of Pain
-Saturday Night’s Alright (For Fighting)
-Ghost Train
-What’s My Age Again
-Hopeless
-Straight Up
-The Oaf
-Poison
-Crash Into Me
-Right Here, Right Now
-Zoot Suit Riot
-American Girl
-Fat Bottom Girls
Auditions
The Ursa Minors:
-First round: Held in a room in Wilson or Sayles along with almost all the other a cappella groups on Campus. Auditionees must fill out a card with their name, room number, phone number, year, experience singing, solo they are planning to sing, and favorite candy. The audition includes singing scales, pitch-matching (in which a sequence of notes are played on a keyboard and the auditionee must try to sing back the notes as accurately as possible), and a solo (chosen by the auditionee). Callback lists are posted at Midnight in Wayland arch the week after the auditions.
-Second round:
(Before the Callbacks, the Ursas hold “Ursa Dates” in which all the Callbackees go out on Thayer with one or two members of the Ursas)
Callbacks are usually held on a Saturday or Sunday
1. Meet and greet (usually with food). Sit in a circle and tell a little bit about yourself. Both the Ursas and the Calbackees do this. The Ursas then sing for the Callbackees.
2. Callbackees were asked to prepare a second solo, which they now sing for the group acappella, going around the circle.
3. The Ursas teach each callbackee a separate part on “Yesterday.” They learn it in individual part-groups, then come back together and sing it with the whole group of Callbackees and Ursas.
4. Model quartets are formed using “Yesterday.” These include putting four Callbackees together in front of the group (one on each part: SI, SII, AI, AII). Girls are switched in and out, depending on who the Ursas need to hear more from.
5. Once the model-quartets are over, the Ursas teach the solo for “Dancing in the Moonlight.” After practicing on their own, the Callbackees sing the solo facing the Ursas (who sing the background acappella parts).
6. Callbackees are instructed to fill out preference cards by Wednesday or Thursday at 9 listing which groups (if any) they would like to sing with out of the ones they were called back to and what their order of preference is. They are told to wait by their phones in their rooms on a particular night so that they can be “called” to be told if they were accepted to a group.
7. After the Midnight meeting (to be discussed later in the ethnography), a cappella groups split up to “sing in” their new members. This involves knocking on the door of the new member and singing “Only You.” The new member is then brought around to sing in the other new members. Often alcohol is a part of this event.
The Higher Keys:
-First round: Held in a room in Wilson or Sayles along with almost all the other a cappella groups on Campus. Auditionees must fill out a card with their name, room number, phone number, year, experience singing, solo they are planning to sing, and favorite candy. The audition includes singing scales, pitch-matching (in which a sequence of notes are played on a keyboard and the auditionee must try to sing back the notes as accurately as possible), and a solo (chosen by the auditionee). Callback lists are posted at Midnight in Wayland arch the week after the auditions.
-Second round:
Callbacks are usually held on a Saturday or Sunday
1. Meet and greet (usually with food). Sit in a circle and tell a little bit about yourself (The Keys call this a “spicy fact”).
2. The Keys sing for the Callbackees.
3. Each Callbackee is taught a separate part on two different songs.
4. Model quartets are formed with each song. These include putting four Callbackees together in front of the group (one on each part: Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Base). People are switched in and out, depending on who the Keys need to hear more from.
5. Once the model-quartets are over, the Keys teach Callbackees one of four solos (they can choose which they want to sing). After practicing on their own, the Callbackees sing the solo facing the Keys (who sing the background acappella parts).
6. Callbackees are instructed to fill out preference cards by Wednesday or Thursday at 9 listing which groups (if any) they would like to sing with out of the ones they were called back to and what their order of preference is. They are told to wait by their phones in their rooms on a particular night so that they can be “called” to be told if they were accepted to a group.
7. After the Midnight meeting (to be discussed later in the ethnography), a cappella groups split up to “sing in” their new members. This involves knocking on the door of the new member and singing “Sweet Dreams,” in the case of the Keys. The new member is then brought around to sing in the other new members. Often, alcohol is a part of this event.
The Bear Necessities
To be discovered....
The Ursa Minors:
From the Ursa Minors Website: “Founded in 1981, the Ursa Minors are a women’s a cappella group at Brown University. The Ursas, as their fans refer to them, perform original arrangements of music from variety of genres including pop, jazz, rock, folk and R&B. The group currently features 15 women from all over the country and all corners of the Brown community who, in addition to singing, are involved in a wide range of activities all around campus, from athletics to theatre, religious life to community service and more. While the group’s membership and repertoire continue to grow and change, one thing remains the same: the Ursas are not only a group of musicians and voices, but a group of friends.”
The Higher Keys:
From the Higher Keys Website: “Founded in 1983, The Higher Keys are Brown University's oldest and premiere coed a cappella group. Though famed for our good looks, sense of humor and all-around sass, we are best known for our unique repertoire and award-winning arrangements. The Keys have recorded six albums over the past twenty-six years, including Lock It Up, our most recent release. Between recording sessions, the group travels regularly; we have toured such exotic locations as San Francisco, the Florida Keys, New York City, Chicago, Washington, D.C., Atlanta, and numerous high schools and colleges along both coasts of the United States.”
The Bear Necessities:
“All-male, all-suspendered a cappella since 1992.”
Members
The Ursa Minors:
-All female
-Even mix of classes
-Have a business manager, President, Webmaster, Musical Director and Assistant Musical Director
-Two members are abroad this semester
-Music Director changed from semester 1 to semester 2.
The Higher Keys:
-11 girls, 10 boys
-One girl abroad
-President, AMD, MD, and Business Manager
-Two boys are from RISD
The Bear Necessities:
-3 Freshmen, 1 Sophomore, 5 Juniors, 5 Seniors, 1 Graduate Student
-All Male
Performance
The Ursa Minors:
The Ursa Minors perform frequently both on- and off-campus, in all kinds of venues and perform for groups of all ages and sizes. The ladies have entertained at charity functions, sporting events, Brown faculty and student affairs and Providence community events. In recent years they were featured singing the National Anthem and two concerts at the U.S. Tennis Open at Arthur Ashe Stadium in New York . They have also competed in the International Championship of Collegiate A Cappella (ICCA) and hosted two rounds of the tournament in 2006 and 2007, welcoming groups from across the Northeast region to sing on the Brown campus.
The Ursas also travel to other universities in the to join their a cappella groups in concerts and frequently invite outside groups to be guest performers at Brown. Other groups the Ursas have recently sung with include the MIT Logarhythms, Tufts Beelzebubs, Yale Baker’s Dozen, Dartmouth Cords, and many of Brown’s other fabulous groups, most recently the Brown Derbies, Jabberwocks, and Higher Keys.
The Higher Keys:
Perform both on and off campus. Perform arch sings in Wayland Arch. Performed at the Triple Threat Concert in September and host the Holiday Organ Concert (in which all the a cappella groups on campus perform). This year they hosted the International Competition of Collegiate A Cappella (ICCA) New England quarterfinals.
The Bear Necessities:
Perform on Campus for events like the Beary Keys Holiday Concert and the Parents Weekend Concert. Have multiple arch sings a year including a Halloween Arch Sing and the Bear Cub Arch Sing in which they introduce their new members to the a cappella community (and give them their first pair of suspenders).
Recording
The Ursa Minors:
-Their first album, Until the Morning Comes, was released in 1999 and was nominated for a Contemporary A Cappella Recording Award for excellence in arranging. (“Yesterday,” which was originally recorded on that album, has since become a staple in the Ursas’ set.)
-In the fall of 2002, the Ursas released their sophomore album, Note to Self, which received honorable mention from the Recorded A Cappella Review Board as one of its “Picks of the Year.” -The group’s third album, The Little Black Dress, was released in 2005 and includes songs originally performed by Stevie Wonder, Jason Mraz, Maroon 5, and Ella Fitzgerald, among others. In 2006, the album was recognized by the Contemporary A Cappella Society of America’s nominating panel as one of the top 10 female collegiate albums of the year.
-April 2007 marked the release of the Ursa Minors’ fourth studio album, Minor Details, which was co-produced and engineered by CB Productions’ Ed Boyer and John Clark and includes songs by artists including Marc Broussard, The Beatles, Bonnie Raitt, Fiona Apple and many other favorites. The Ursas are currently in the studio recording their fifth album, set for release in 2010.
The Higher Keys:
-Taller Doors (1992)
-By Invitation Only (1995)
-Unlocked (1997)
-If I Had A Microphone (2001)
-It’s Natural (2005)
-Lock It Up (2008)
The Bear Necessities:
-Out of Hibernation (1993)
-The Bear Necessities Jam (1995)
-Circus People (1999)
-Dry Clean Only (2004)
Repertoire
The Ursa Minors:
-All at Sea (Jamie Cullum)
-Breathe In (Frou Frou)
-Dancing in the Moonlight (Van Morrison)
-Dreamlover (Mariah Carey)
-Fidelity (Regina Spektor)
-Gee Baby Ain’t I Good to You (Jazz Standard)
-Hard to Handle (Black Crowes)
-Hyperballad (Bjork)
-I’d Rather Dance With You (Kings of Convenience)
-Jingle Bell Rock
-Let Go (Frou Frou)
-Love on the Rocks (Sara Bareilles)
-Only You (The Platters)
-Put Your Records On (Corinne Bailey Rae)
-Rhode Island Is Famous For You (Blossom Dearie)
-Rocksteady (Marc Broussard)
-Son of a Preacher Man (Dusty Springfield)
-Sunrise (Norah Jones)
-The Way I Am (Ingrid Michaelson)
-Yesterday (The Beathles)
Notes on Ursa Repertoire: A majority of members have solos, mix of top fourty, some older popular songs, some lesser known songs, and standards (such as Jingle Bell Rock and Rhode Island Is Famous for You). Arranged by the Ursas themselves.
The Higher Keys:
-Back To You (John Mayer)
-Beatles’ Medley
-Don’t Stop Me Now (Queen)
-Fly Me To The Moon (Frank Sinatra)
-Friend Like Me (Aladdin)
-Gershwin Medley
-I Don’t Know Where I stand (Joni Mitchell)
-Jet Airliner (Steve Miller Band)
-Just (Radiohead)
-Michael Jackson Medley
-Owner of a Lonely Heart (Yes)
-Samson (Regina Spektor)
-School of Rock (From School of Rock)
-Sentimental Guy (Ben Folds)
-Sir Duke (Stevie Wonder)
-Somewhere (From West Side Story)
-Sweet Dreams (Eurythmics)
-Too Darn Hot (Cole Porter)
-Undertow (Sara Bareilles)
-You and Me and the Bottle Makes Three (Big Bad Voodoo Daddy)
Notes on Higher Keys Rep: “Half Jazz-Half pop.” Multiple medleys. Arranged by Keys (most of whom were on the class of ‘07).
The Bear Necessities:
-Beautiful Day
-Brandy
-King of Pain
-Saturday Night’s Alright (For Fighting)
-Ghost Train
-What’s My Age Again
-Hopeless
-Straight Up
-The Oaf
-Poison
-Crash Into Me
-Right Here, Right Now
-Zoot Suit Riot
-American Girl
-Fat Bottom Girls
Auditions
The Ursa Minors:
-First round: Held in a room in Wilson or Sayles along with almost all the other a cappella groups on Campus. Auditionees must fill out a card with their name, room number, phone number, year, experience singing, solo they are planning to sing, and favorite candy. The audition includes singing scales, pitch-matching (in which a sequence of notes are played on a keyboard and the auditionee must try to sing back the notes as accurately as possible), and a solo (chosen by the auditionee). Callback lists are posted at Midnight in Wayland arch the week after the auditions.
-Second round:
(Before the Callbacks, the Ursas hold “Ursa Dates” in which all the Callbackees go out on Thayer with one or two members of the Ursas)
Callbacks are usually held on a Saturday or Sunday
1. Meet and greet (usually with food). Sit in a circle and tell a little bit about yourself. Both the Ursas and the Calbackees do this. The Ursas then sing for the Callbackees.
2. Callbackees were asked to prepare a second solo, which they now sing for the group acappella, going around the circle.
3. The Ursas teach each callbackee a separate part on “Yesterday.” They learn it in individual part-groups, then come back together and sing it with the whole group of Callbackees and Ursas.
4. Model quartets are formed using “Yesterday.” These include putting four Callbackees together in front of the group (one on each part: SI, SII, AI, AII). Girls are switched in and out, depending on who the Ursas need to hear more from.
5. Once the model-quartets are over, the Ursas teach the solo for “Dancing in the Moonlight.” After practicing on their own, the Callbackees sing the solo facing the Ursas (who sing the background acappella parts).
6. Callbackees are instructed to fill out preference cards by Wednesday or Thursday at 9 listing which groups (if any) they would like to sing with out of the ones they were called back to and what their order of preference is. They are told to wait by their phones in their rooms on a particular night so that they can be “called” to be told if they were accepted to a group.
7. After the Midnight meeting (to be discussed later in the ethnography), a cappella groups split up to “sing in” their new members. This involves knocking on the door of the new member and singing “Only You.” The new member is then brought around to sing in the other new members. Often alcohol is a part of this event.
The Higher Keys:
-First round: Held in a room in Wilson or Sayles along with almost all the other a cappella groups on Campus. Auditionees must fill out a card with their name, room number, phone number, year, experience singing, solo they are planning to sing, and favorite candy. The audition includes singing scales, pitch-matching (in which a sequence of notes are played on a keyboard and the auditionee must try to sing back the notes as accurately as possible), and a solo (chosen by the auditionee). Callback lists are posted at Midnight in Wayland arch the week after the auditions.
-Second round:
Callbacks are usually held on a Saturday or Sunday
1. Meet and greet (usually with food). Sit in a circle and tell a little bit about yourself (The Keys call this a “spicy fact”).
2. The Keys sing for the Callbackees.
3. Each Callbackee is taught a separate part on two different songs.
4. Model quartets are formed with each song. These include putting four Callbackees together in front of the group (one on each part: Soprano, Alto, Tenor, and Base). People are switched in and out, depending on who the Keys need to hear more from.
5. Once the model-quartets are over, the Keys teach Callbackees one of four solos (they can choose which they want to sing). After practicing on their own, the Callbackees sing the solo facing the Keys (who sing the background acappella parts).
6. Callbackees are instructed to fill out preference cards by Wednesday or Thursday at 9 listing which groups (if any) they would like to sing with out of the ones they were called back to and what their order of preference is. They are told to wait by their phones in their rooms on a particular night so that they can be “called” to be told if they were accepted to a group.
7. After the Midnight meeting (to be discussed later in the ethnography), a cappella groups split up to “sing in” their new members. This involves knocking on the door of the new member and singing “Sweet Dreams,” in the case of the Keys. The new member is then brought around to sing in the other new members. Often, alcohol is a part of this event.
The Bear Necessities
To be discovered....
Wednesday, February 11, 2009
Critical Review: "The Paradoxes of an Indian American Youth Subculture"
Maira’s ethnography of Indian-American youth culture begins with an ethnographic moment, the author’s own experience at an “Indian party” at a New York club. This article describes the youth culture of children of Indian immigrants and what Maira discovered about it through interviewing and observing 35 second-generation Indian Americans in Manhattan who grew up in the United States. Although she originally planned to study identity among these young adults, she quickly moved her focus to popular culture as it became clear how this culture impacts the negotiation of identity, both in terms of the socialization with members of the same culture it provides and the ways in which cultural contradictions develop within its confines.
This second-generation subculture revolves mainly around music and fashion. The music of the culture is a fusion of American hip-hop, rap, techno, and reggae with that of Hindi film and bangra. The fashion is generally representative of hip-hop fashion but with some classical Indian elements such as nose rings and bindis. There is some sense of locality within the subculture, as the popularity of particular styles are more prevalent in some cities than others. Subcultural capital is very important to these youths, and brand name hip-hop clothing and accessories are a must.
Like many subcultures, Indian-American youth subculture is based on “the contradictions of the ‘parent culture’” (Maira 34). This is evident in the adoption of hip-hop style by many Indian teens as an act of rebellion against their parents. Others try to hide their provocative style from their parents by changing clothes when out of parental sight. What Maira discovered through her research, however, is that second generation Indian immigrants are not giving up ties to their roots. In the words of Maira, “the immigrant generation’s desire to preserve an authentic ethnic identity lingers in the second generation, for whom being essentially Indian becomes a marker of cultural and even moral superiority” (Maira 37). This hybrid nature of this subculture is a happy medium (at times) between the expectations of immigrant parents and those of mainstream American youth culture. Youths may join the subculture because it is more acceptable to Indian parents than white culture (which is often thought of as “corrupt”), leading to parental approval of activities that may, unknowingly to parents, be just as promiscuous. Many second-generation youths, however, still desire to go back to India and nod to their hip-hop inspired culture as only temporary, thinking of it as “‘diluted’ or somehow less ‘authentically’ Indian” (Maira 50). Although this view works in theory, the actions of these young adults do not always support the maintenance of “pure” Indian culture.
Another important aspect of Maira’s article was the double standard present in the subculture based on gender. Beauty for Indian women is best encapsulated by the typical Indian film actress with long, dark hair and light skin. Attractiveness for men is gaged by the man’s ability to break free of the nerdy and effeminate Indian stereotype and be as macho as possible. Maira hypothesizes that this is the reason for the adoption of black style by many Indian men. The double standard enters the equation in the form of one of the biggest hypocrisies in the new Indian youth culture: girlfriends are expected to be “seductive [and] party-going” while wives are expected to “uphold the sanctity of family and, by extension, tradition” (Maira 47). In other words, Indian women are expected to take on an American sexuality that contradicts their heritage while still upholding the standards of purity and chastity common among traditional Indian women. Female sexuality is not only monitored by the parent culture; the youths monitor each other using the virgin/whore dichotomy. Though youths frequently adopt aspects of American culture into their lives, they are thought of as “‘seductive’ and ‘polluting’ influences from which ethnic identity must be protected” (Maira 51). This contradiction alone displays the complexity of Indian-American youth subculture as it tries to hold on to its roots while allowing for accommodation as well.
Discussion questions: Popular films such as “Bend it like Beckham” and “Slumdog Millionaire” have put Indian culture on display in America. How have they shaped an American view of what it is like to be an Indian teenager (both in America and in India)? Do films like these “pollute” ethnic identity among Indian teens in America, or do they renew a sense pride that these youths have for their culture?
This second-generation subculture revolves mainly around music and fashion. The music of the culture is a fusion of American hip-hop, rap, techno, and reggae with that of Hindi film and bangra. The fashion is generally representative of hip-hop fashion but with some classical Indian elements such as nose rings and bindis. There is some sense of locality within the subculture, as the popularity of particular styles are more prevalent in some cities than others. Subcultural capital is very important to these youths, and brand name hip-hop clothing and accessories are a must.
Like many subcultures, Indian-American youth subculture is based on “the contradictions of the ‘parent culture’” (Maira 34). This is evident in the adoption of hip-hop style by many Indian teens as an act of rebellion against their parents. Others try to hide their provocative style from their parents by changing clothes when out of parental sight. What Maira discovered through her research, however, is that second generation Indian immigrants are not giving up ties to their roots. In the words of Maira, “the immigrant generation’s desire to preserve an authentic ethnic identity lingers in the second generation, for whom being essentially Indian becomes a marker of cultural and even moral superiority” (Maira 37). This hybrid nature of this subculture is a happy medium (at times) between the expectations of immigrant parents and those of mainstream American youth culture. Youths may join the subculture because it is more acceptable to Indian parents than white culture (which is often thought of as “corrupt”), leading to parental approval of activities that may, unknowingly to parents, be just as promiscuous. Many second-generation youths, however, still desire to go back to India and nod to their hip-hop inspired culture as only temporary, thinking of it as “‘diluted’ or somehow less ‘authentically’ Indian” (Maira 50). Although this view works in theory, the actions of these young adults do not always support the maintenance of “pure” Indian culture.
Another important aspect of Maira’s article was the double standard present in the subculture based on gender. Beauty for Indian women is best encapsulated by the typical Indian film actress with long, dark hair and light skin. Attractiveness for men is gaged by the man’s ability to break free of the nerdy and effeminate Indian stereotype and be as macho as possible. Maira hypothesizes that this is the reason for the adoption of black style by many Indian men. The double standard enters the equation in the form of one of the biggest hypocrisies in the new Indian youth culture: girlfriends are expected to be “seductive [and] party-going” while wives are expected to “uphold the sanctity of family and, by extension, tradition” (Maira 47). In other words, Indian women are expected to take on an American sexuality that contradicts their heritage while still upholding the standards of purity and chastity common among traditional Indian women. Female sexuality is not only monitored by the parent culture; the youths monitor each other using the virgin/whore dichotomy. Though youths frequently adopt aspects of American culture into their lives, they are thought of as “‘seductive’ and ‘polluting’ influences from which ethnic identity must be protected” (Maira 51). This contradiction alone displays the complexity of Indian-American youth subculture as it tries to hold on to its roots while allowing for accommodation as well.
Discussion questions: Popular films such as “Bend it like Beckham” and “Slumdog Millionaire” have put Indian culture on display in America. How have they shaped an American view of what it is like to be an Indian teenager (both in America and in India)? Do films like these “pollute” ethnic identity among Indian teens in America, or do they renew a sense pride that these youths have for their culture?
Sunday, February 8, 2009
Initial Topic Post: Collegiate A Cappella at Brown
College a cappella has changed immensely since the first group, the Yale Whiffenpoofs, was founded in 1909. Collegiate a cappella groups are “student run and student directed singing groups that perform entirely without instruments” (Wikipedia.com). Over the past 30 years in particular, the number of a cappella groups on college campuses has more than quadrupled. Much of this increase in popularity is due to the change from repertoires based on jazz standards and barbershop classics to those mostly featuring popular music with overlaying beats and vocal percussion. The forms of the groups have also transformed over time: today, the a cappella scene abounds with single-sex groups, co-ed groups, and groups that focus on a particular genre including Jewish and Christian music. Theme groups, such as Brown’s own Pirate a cappella group, are also prevalent on many college campuses. A cappella at Brown began in 1949 when the Jabberwocks came into existence. Today, Brown is home to 16 a cappella groups with the most students involved in a cappella per capita of any American university. Because of this, complex interactions within and between groups are an important aspect of many students’ Brown experience. For my ethnography project, I plan to work with Brady Waibel and Chantel Whittle to observe, study, and compare the intricacies of Brown a cappella, from auditions to arrangement to performance. We plan to focus on three different a cappella groups (one all-male, one all-female, and one co-ed).
Some questions I hope to explore are:
-Who joins an a cappella group? As a cappella is a huge commitment, why would these students choose to devote such a large amount of time to a cappella music? Are they doing it to further a musical career? To make social connections in the a cappella community? Purely for fun?
-At what sorts of venues do different groups perform? How do the groups get these gigs?
-What kinds of interactions are there between groups? Is there an inherent competition to be the best group on campus? Does the a cappella community operate as one whole or as many separate groups?
-Who are the fans of a cappella? Do a cappella groups have “groupies” as a band might?
-How do a cappella groups choose which songs to sing? Do they arrange their own music? How do they pick solos and voice parts?
-What is the audition process like? How do they choose who gets into the group?
- What is the repertoire? Which types of songs get the best reception from crowds?
- Are there broader differences in a cappella groups based on gender? What do all-male groups think all-female groups are like (and vice versa)? How do boys and girls interact within a co-ed group?
In order to conduct our research, we plan to observe rehearsal and performance, survey the fan base of the various groups, and conduct questionnaires of the members of the groups themselves. Because all of us are involved in our own a cappella groups, we will try to be as objective as possible by studying groups in which we are not involved (namely the Bear Necessities, Higher Keys, and Ursa Minors). By looking at a cappella culture from a broader perspective and by using a comparative approach, we hope to gain valuable insight and perspective on our own involvement in collegiate a cappella.
Some questions I hope to explore are:
-Who joins an a cappella group? As a cappella is a huge commitment, why would these students choose to devote such a large amount of time to a cappella music? Are they doing it to further a musical career? To make social connections in the a cappella community? Purely for fun?
-At what sorts of venues do different groups perform? How do the groups get these gigs?
-What kinds of interactions are there between groups? Is there an inherent competition to be the best group on campus? Does the a cappella community operate as one whole or as many separate groups?
-Who are the fans of a cappella? Do a cappella groups have “groupies” as a band might?
-How do a cappella groups choose which songs to sing? Do they arrange their own music? How do they pick solos and voice parts?
-What is the audition process like? How do they choose who gets into the group?
- What is the repertoire? Which types of songs get the best reception from crowds?
- Are there broader differences in a cappella groups based on gender? What do all-male groups think all-female groups are like (and vice versa)? How do boys and girls interact within a co-ed group?
In order to conduct our research, we plan to observe rehearsal and performance, survey the fan base of the various groups, and conduct questionnaires of the members of the groups themselves. Because all of us are involved in our own a cappella groups, we will try to be as objective as possible by studying groups in which we are not involved (namely the Bear Necessities, Higher Keys, and Ursa Minors). By looking at a cappella culture from a broader perspective and by using a comparative approach, we hope to gain valuable insight and perspective on our own involvement in collegiate a cappella.
Monday, February 2, 2009
Critical Review of Cohen's "Ethnography and popular music studies"
The major concern of Cohen’s article is to promote the use of ethnography in the study of popular music. Cohen defines ethnography as “the description and interpretation of a way of life (or ‘culture’)” as derived from direct observation, which involves “a ‘microsociological’ focus upon the beliefs, values, rituals and general patterns of behavior underlying social relationships or networks” (Cohen 123). Cohen notes many of the problems with current techniques of studying popular music. Some of these include a sole reliance on unreliable journalistic and statistical sources, a distinct focus on “stars” of the music scene, and emphasis on youth and their concern with the fast-changing trends associated with pop (thus downplaying any possible continuities that occur over time). Instead, Cohen believes that musicologists studying popular music should focus on music as a social process, i.e. study the cultural, historical, and social implications music has on a particular group of people. Although ethnography, too, has its limitations, Cohen insists that a concentration upon the way humans interact with the music that is created would “[illuminate] the ways in which music is used and the important role that it plays in everyday life and in society generally” (Cohen 127). Although recent studies of popular music have been leaning more towards an ethnographic approach by focusing more on local music consumption than on consumption on a global scale, many of these studies still rely heavily on questionnaires, surveys, and interviews instead of studying people within their own social contexts.
Cohen goes on to describe the strengths of specific research examples that have been conducted on popular music. She praises Ruth Finnegan’s study of “musical worlds.” Finnegan also highlights that these “worlds” are more like “pathways” than communities: they differ in size and inclusiveness, tend to overlap, and are constantly trodden by different people. Finnegan believes, as does Cohen, that “people choose music as a pathway...because it provides a context for activities and relationships, and a means for the expression of personal and collective identity and value” (Cohen 128). This statement makes clear the necessity of using a comparative approach when studying how different individuals, cultures, and forms of media interpret and use music. Cohen also describes her own research on the Jews in Liverpool and the way in which ‘locality,’ “a sense of community of affinity that is linked to notions of place” plays a large role in determining music consumption (Cohen 129) . In her research, Cohen tries to put more emphasis on the historical background of music and on its role within groups as dependent upon religion, ethnicity, and class. Though she performed interviews to do her research, Cohen tried to add aspects of ethnographic study by observing the participation of her subjects in music-related activities. By learning about the history of Jews in Liverpool and collecting individual opinions about the area itself and the music found there, Cohen discovered that locality is portrayed differently depending upon an individual’s situation and relationships. This individual depiction can strongly differ from the sort of locality the larger community promotes. Cohen also brings up the issue of identity and its definition not as a fixed state, but as something that is constantly being invented and that is itself a source of social change. In conclusion, Cohen insists that popular music must be studied on a local scale before it can be studied globally as the two levels are “dynamically interrelated and inseparable” (Cohen 133). Ethnographic study, therefore, might allow anthropologists to discover how international phenomena arise from smaller scales that may differ greatly. The researchers themselves may be made more aware of their own biases in the process and be forced to challenge the preconceived notions of the masses. More details of the culture behind popular music may further justify general statements or teach us that such statements minimize the complexity that actually exists.
Discussion question: At one point in her article, Cohen quotes Frith when describing Finnegan’s work as saying that “the usual social indicators of musical tastes (class, age, gender) are not good indicators of membership of musical worlds...Music, in short, is not simply used as a marker of existing social differences” (Cohen 128). How valid is this statement? Are there certain music scenes whose membership is more or less contingent upon one or more of these factors?
Cohen goes on to describe the strengths of specific research examples that have been conducted on popular music. She praises Ruth Finnegan’s study of “musical worlds.” Finnegan also highlights that these “worlds” are more like “pathways” than communities: they differ in size and inclusiveness, tend to overlap, and are constantly trodden by different people. Finnegan believes, as does Cohen, that “people choose music as a pathway...because it provides a context for activities and relationships, and a means for the expression of personal and collective identity and value” (Cohen 128). This statement makes clear the necessity of using a comparative approach when studying how different individuals, cultures, and forms of media interpret and use music. Cohen also describes her own research on the Jews in Liverpool and the way in which ‘locality,’ “a sense of community of affinity that is linked to notions of place” plays a large role in determining music consumption (Cohen 129) . In her research, Cohen tries to put more emphasis on the historical background of music and on its role within groups as dependent upon religion, ethnicity, and class. Though she performed interviews to do her research, Cohen tried to add aspects of ethnographic study by observing the participation of her subjects in music-related activities. By learning about the history of Jews in Liverpool and collecting individual opinions about the area itself and the music found there, Cohen discovered that locality is portrayed differently depending upon an individual’s situation and relationships. This individual depiction can strongly differ from the sort of locality the larger community promotes. Cohen also brings up the issue of identity and its definition not as a fixed state, but as something that is constantly being invented and that is itself a source of social change. In conclusion, Cohen insists that popular music must be studied on a local scale before it can be studied globally as the two levels are “dynamically interrelated and inseparable” (Cohen 133). Ethnographic study, therefore, might allow anthropologists to discover how international phenomena arise from smaller scales that may differ greatly. The researchers themselves may be made more aware of their own biases in the process and be forced to challenge the preconceived notions of the masses. More details of the culture behind popular music may further justify general statements or teach us that such statements minimize the complexity that actually exists.
Discussion question: At one point in her article, Cohen quotes Frith when describing Finnegan’s work as saying that “the usual social indicators of musical tastes (class, age, gender) are not good indicators of membership of musical worlds...Music, in short, is not simply used as a marker of existing social differences” (Cohen 128). How valid is this statement? Are there certain music scenes whose membership is more or less contingent upon one or more of these factors?
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